Abrahamic theology refers to the religious beliefs and doctrines that originate from the figure of Abraham, a patriarch in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.
đ Reassessing Isaiah 54:1 in Light of Hagar and the Abrahamic Covenant
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đŞ Introduction
đ Isaiah 54:1 opens with a striking prophetic summons:
âSing, O barren, thou that didst not bear; break forth into singing, and cry aloud, thou that didst not travail with child: for more are the children of the desolate than the children of the married wife, saith the LORD.â
Within mainstream Judeo-Christian interpretation, this verse is commonly understood as a reference to Sarah, the wife of Abraham, whose barrenness is resolved through the birth of Isaac. This interpretation is explicitly endorsed by the Apostle Paul in Galatians 4:27, where Isaiah 54:1 is allegorized to support a theological contrast between Sarah and Hagar.
Islamic theological reflection, however, offers a markedly different reading. Rather than identifying the âbarrenâ or âdesolateâ woman with Sarah, Muslim scholars have proposed that Isaiah 54 symbolically reflects Hagarâs ordeal, exile, and eventual vindication, particularly in light of Genesis 21:18, where God promises to make Ishmael into a âgreat nation.â
According to this perspective, Isaiah 54 may echo Hagarâs experience as a woman cast out, left desolate, yet ultimately promised a vast posterity. The declaration that âmore are the children of the desolate womanâ can be read as a poetic foreshadowing of Hagarâs descendants, who, according to Islamic tradition, became the forebears of many Arab tribes, culminating in the Prophet Muhammad .
This article explores these competing interpretations and presents an Islamic theological case for reading Isaiah 54 as a prophetic portrayal of Hagarâs desolation and future triumph, rather than Sarahâs biological infertility.
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đ Paulâs Interpretation: Sarah as the âBarren Womanâ
In Galatians 4:21â31, Paul reinterprets the Genesis narrative through an allegorical framework. He presents:
⢠Sarah as the free woman, associated with the covenant of promise ⢠Hagar as the bondwoman, associated with Mount Sinai and bondage
Paul explicitly cites Isaiah 54:1 to validate Sarahâs role as the mother of the âchildren of promise.â Within this framework, âbarrennessâ is understood literally, referring to Sarahâs infertility prior to Isaacâs birth.
From an Islamic theological standpoint, this reading is selective and doctrinally motivated. It detaches Isaiah 54 from its broader prophetic-historical context and reassigns it to support a later theological construction commonly associated with Pauline supersessionism, wherein the covenant is narrowed and redefined through allegory rather than preserved in its original universal scope.
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đ Reconsidering âBarrennessâ in Prophetic Language
Islamic theology challenges the assumption that âbarrennessâ in prophetic literature must refer strictly to biological sterility. In the language of prophecy, such imagery frequently functions symbolically, denoting:
⢠Social abandonment ⢠Covenant exclusion ⢠Historical marginalization ⢠Deferred or obscured prophetic fulfillment
From this perspective, Sarahâwho becomes the recognized matriarch of an established lineage within Abrahamâs householdâdoes not embody the emotional depth or narrative tension conveyed by Isaiah 54âs imagery of desolation, shame, and restoration.
By contrast, Hagarâs experienceâmarked by exile, vulnerability, and deferred promiseâcorresponds closely to the chapterâs prophetic language.
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đž Hagar and the Deferred Promise of Genesis 21:18
In Genesis 21:18, God declares concerning Ishmael:
âI will make him into a great nation.â
Yet immediately thereafter, Hagar and Ishmael are cast into the wilderness, severed from Abrahamâs household, inheritance, and covenantal visibility.
From an Islamic theological perspective:
⢠The divine promise exists, but its fulfillment is delayed ⢠Hagar lives in a state of prophetic suspension ⢠Ishmaelâs destiny remains unseen within the Genesis narrative
Thus, Hagar is not barren biologicallyâshe has a sonâbut barren covenantally within the Abrahamic household as portrayed in Genesis. She embodies promise without immediate manifestation, desolation without abandonment by God.
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đŞ Isaiah 54 as a Prophetic Mirror of Hagarâs Experience
Isaiah 54:1â6 develops themes of desolation, shame, abandonment, and divine restoration. When read through an Islamic theological lens, these verses closely parallel Hagarâs experience in Genesis.
Verse 1: The Desolate Woman and the Reversal of Status
âFor more are the children of the desolate than the children of the married wife, saith the LORD.â (Isaiah 54:1)
Here, the emphasis lies not on biological fertility but on prophetic reversal. The âdesolate womanâ may be read as representing Hagar and her abandonment rather than childlessness. Although Sarah is Abrahamâs âmarried wife,â it is Hagarâs lineage that expands into numerous nations, demonstrating that divine promise transcends social rank.
Verse 4: The Removal of Shame and Reproach
âFear not; for thou shalt not be ashamed⌠for thou shalt forget the shame of thy youth, and shalt not remember the reproach of thy widowhood any more.â (Isaiah 54:4)
This language reflects Hagarâs humiliation when she was cast out. Godâs reassurance mirrors His intervention in Genesis 21:17â18, where He hears Ishmaelâs cry and reaffirms His promise.
Verse 5: God as Protector and Sustainer
âFor your Maker is your husbandâthe LORD Almighty is his name.â (Isaiah 54:5)
Though abandoned by Abraham, Hagar is not abandoned by God. Divine guardianship replaces human protection, signaling restoration and covenantal care.
Verse 6: The Rejected Wife Restored
âThe LORD will call you back as if you were a wife deserted and distressed in spirit.â (Isaiah 54:6)
This verse resonates deeply with Hagarâs experience of rejection and distress, portraying a compassionate God who restores dignity to the forsaken.
Verse 13: Divine Instruction and the Fulfillment of Abrahamâs Prayer
âAnd all thy children shall be taught of the LORD; and great shall be the peace of thy children.â (Isaiah 54:13)
This verse reflects the fulfillment of Abrahamâs supplication in Surah al-Baqarah 2:129:
âOur Lord, raise up among them a messenger from among themselves, who will recite to them Your revelations, teach them the Book and wisdom, and purify them.â
Though Hagar and Ishmael were cast out, Abrahamâs prayer for their progeny finds fulfillment in Prophet Muhammad , whose mission brought divine instruction and peace. Thus, the children of the once âdesolateâ woman emerge not as marginal figures but as recipients of divine guidance and spiritual leadership.
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đ§ Reading Isaiah 54 as a Hagar Narrative
Some Muslim scholars propose that Isaiah 54 should be read as a prophetic tableau centered on Hagar. Several recurring motifs support this reading:
⢠Rejection followed by restoration ⢠Shame transformed into honor ⢠Promise realized after exile ⢠A forsaken dwelling rebuilt
These motifs parallel the Islamic sacred narrative in which:
⢠Hagarâs exile leads to the rise of Mecca ⢠Ishmaelâs lineage gives rise to Prophet Muhammad  and multiple nations ⢠Abrahamâs wilderness prayer is fulfilled universally
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đď¸ An Islamic Theological Interpretation of Isaiah 54
From an Islamic perspective, Isaiah 54 is not a polemic against Hagar but a hidden testament to her destiny. It anticipates:
⢠The reversal of exclusion ⢠The expansion of Ishmaelâs descendants ⢠The universality of Abrahamâs covenant
In contrast to Paulâs interpretation in Galatians 4:21â31, the chapter may prophetically gesture toward the restoration of the marginalized branch of Abrahamâs householdâHagar and Ishmael.
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đ Conclusion
While Paulâs interpretation in Galatians has profoundly shaped Christian theology, it represents one interpretive trajectory rather than an uncontested reading. Islamic theology invites a reassessment of Isaiah 54 that:
⢠Expands âbarrennessâ beyond biological limitation ⢠Recognizes Hagarâs covenantal desolation ⢠Identifies the chapter as a prophecy of delayed yet ultimate fulfillment
In this light, Isaiah 54 emerges not as a text of exclusion, but as a testimony to divine justiceâwherein the forsaken woman is restored, her descendants multiplied, and her legacy vindicated before the nations.
đ The Abrahamic Covenant and the Promise of the Land: An Islamic Perspective on Ishmaelâs Inheritance
1ď¸âŁ Introduction
Within Islamic scholarship, there is a significant perspective that the Abrahamic CovenantâGodâs promise to grant a specific land and bless all nationsâwas fulfilled through Ishmael (IsmÄâÄŤl ŘšŮŮ٠اŮŘłŮا٠) and his descendants, culminating in the final Messenger, Muhammad . This view contrasts with the Israelite tradition, which locates the covenantâs fulfillment in the line of Isaac (IshÄq ŘšŮŮ٠اŮŘłŮا٠) and his descendants through Jacob (YaâqĹŤb ŘšŮŮ٠اŮŘłŮا٠), under the Sinai Covenant.
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2ď¸âŁ The Land Promise: From the Nile to the Euphrates
The Torah records in Genesis 15:18:
âTo your descendants I give this land, from the river of Egypt to the great river, the river Euphrates.â
From an Islamic perspective, scholars who uphold the Ishmaelite fulfillment argue that:
⢠Geographical Alignment â The promised territory, stretching from the Nile in Egypt to the Euphrates in Mesopotamia, corresponds more closely to the expanse of Muslim lands during the Caliphates, especially under the leadership of the early successors of Prophet Muhammad .
⢠Historical Realization â While the Israelites never fully possessed all the land between the two rivers, the early Muslim ummahâdescendants of Ishmael through Muhammad âestablished dominion over this very region, thus fulfilling the territorial aspect of the covenant.
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3ď¸âŁ Blessing to All Nations
God promised Abraham in Genesis 12:3 and Genesis 22:18:
âThrough your seed all nations on earth will be blessed.â
In the Qurâan, this universal blessing is reflected in Surah al-AnbiyÄâ (21:107):
âAnd We have not sent you, [O Muhammad], except as a mercy to the worlds.â
Islamic scholars view this as a direct fulfillment:
⢠Global Scope â The mission of Prophet Muhammad  was not confined to a single tribe or nation, but addressed all humanity.
⢠Restoration of Abrahamâs Religion â Islam is understood as the revival of dÄŤn IbrÄhÄŤmâpure monotheism, worship of the One God without partners, and a moral code intended for all nations.
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4ď¸âŁ The Sacrifice: Ishmael or Isaac?
The identity of the sacrificial son is a central point of divergence:
⢠Islamic View â The Qurâan (Surah al-ᚢÄffÄt 37:99â113) narrates the event without naming the son, but the sequence of verses places the announcement of Isaacâs birth after the sacrifice episode, implying that Ishmael was the son offered.
⢠Historical Claim â Many Muslim scholars assert that ancient Israelite scribes altered the Torah to replace âIshmaelâ with âIsaacâ in the sacrificial narrative, thus reorienting the covenantal claim toward Israel rather than the Ishmaelite line.
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5ď¸âŁ The Sinai Covenant and Israelite Responsibility
In contrast, the Sinai Covenant (Exodus 19â24) was established specifically with the Children of Israel after their exodus from Egypt.
⢠Content â It contained the Ten Commandments and detailed laws governing worship, justice, and community life.
⢠Nature â The Sinai Covenant was conditional: blessings were tied to the Israelitesâ adherence to Godâs commandments.
⢠Scope â Unlike the Abrahamic Covenantâs universal vision, the Sinai Covenant was primarily ethnic and national, binding the Israelites as a distinct community to their divine mission.
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6ď¸âŁ Conclusion: The Restored Covenant in Islam
Those who uphold the Ishmaelite fulfillment of the Abrahamic Covenant believe:
⢠The land promise from the Nile to the Euphrates found its historical manifestation through the Muslim Caliphate, led by the descendants of Ishmael via Muhammad .
⢠The universal blessing promised to Abraham was realized in the Prophet Muhammad , who brought the message of Islam as a mercy to all peoples and nations.
⢠The original sacrificial son was Ishmael, signifying that the covenant was first and foremost with him and his righteous descendants.
From this perspective, Islam is not a new religion but the restoration of Abrahamâs original monotheistic faith, uniting humanity under the worship of the One God, just as promised in the covenant.
In recent years, Christian polemicist and historian Jay Smithâa prominent figure in Londonâs Hyde Park debatesâhas advanced a controversial re-reading of early Islamic origins. One of his most provocative claims is that the term âMuhammadâ (MHMD), as it appears in early Arabic inscriptions and coinage, did not originally refer to a historical Arabian prophet, but rather functioned as a title for Jesus used by Syriac-speaking Christian communities in the 6thâ7th centuries. This reinterpretation forms part of Smithâs broader revisionist model that challenges the traditional narrative of Islamâs emergence in 7th-century Arabia.
This article explains Smithâs reasoning, the linguistic and historical evidence he proposes, and the Christian tradition he believes produced this title.
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Syriac Christianity as the Alleged Source of âMuhammadâ
According to Jay Smith, the key to understanding the early appearances of the name MHMD is the influence of Syriac-speaking Christian sects. He argues that:
1.1. Syriac Christians used titles rather than personal names in liturgical texts
Smith points out that Syriac hymnography and homilies frequently use descriptive epithets for Jesus, including:
This last termârooted in the Semitic tri-consonantal cluster Ḽ-m-d (to praise, to commend)âbecomes the central pillar of his argument.
1.2. âMḼmdâ was allegedly a Christological title
Smith contends that in some Syriac poetic and liturgical traditions, Jesus was poetically described as mḼmdââthe praised one.â Thus, the MHMD appearing in early inscriptions could, in his view, reasonably refer to Jesus Christ, not to a human founder of Islam.
1.3. Syriac Christians shaped early Arab religious vocabulary
Smith claims that Arab tribes living in the Levant, northern Arabia, and Mesopotamiaâbefore Islamâwere heavily influenced by:
Thus, the earliest Arabic religious inscriptions may reflect Christian theological language, not Islamic identity.
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Early Coins and Inscriptions: Reading MHMD as Jesus
Jay Smith frequently cites 7th-century archaeological dataâcoins, inscriptions, and manuscriptsâto support his claim.
2.1. The earliest MHMD references do not resemble later Islamic theology
On coins from the late 7th century (especially during the reign of Abd al-Malik), the inscription:
⢠MHMD appears alongside Christian symbols, such as ⢠a cross ⢠Christological phrases
According to Smith, this demonstrates the following:
The earliest Muslims were still using Christian iconography and language; therefore, âMuhammadâ must have been a title within this Christianized framework.
2.2. The absence of prophetic biography
Smith argues that inscriptions mentioning MHMD contain no indication of:
⢠a birthplace in Mecca ⢠a prophetic mission ⢠a Quran ⢠companions ⢠battles ⢠hadith ⢠prophetic sayings
Thus, he concludes that MHMD was not originally a historical prophet, but a venerated figure already known in Christian tradition.
2.3. MHMD in the Dome of the Rock inscription (691 CE)
The Dome of the Rock contains the phrase:
⢠âMuhammad is the servant of God and His Messenger.â
Smith argues that this phrase resembles Christian formulations about Jesusâparticularly the biblical phrase âJesus, the servant of Godââand therefore could originally have signified Jesus, before being reinterpreted as a reference to an Arabian prophet.
This is a highly contested claim, but central to his reasoning.
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Which Christian Tradition Produced This Title?
Jay Smithâs position is clear:
He attributes the âMuhammad-as-Title-for-Jesusâ interpretation to:
3.1. Syriac Orthodox (Jacobite) Christianity
⢠Based in Syria and Mesopotamia ⢠Known for poetic, honorific titles for Christ ⢠Used Semitic linguistic roots like Ḽ-m-d in Christological praise
These groups, he argues, created an environment in which a title such as âthe praised oneâ (mḼmd) could easily be applied to Jesus.
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How, According to Smith, the Title Became a Personal Name
Jay Smith argues that early Arab rulersâparticularly those forging a new political-religious identity after the fall of Byzantine influenceâmisappropriated or reinterpreted the Syriac epithet.
4.1. A title becomes a name
He claims that as Arabic replaced Syriac as the dominant liturgical and administrative language, the term: ⢠mḼmd â âMuhammadâ
shifted from a title meaning âpraised oneâ to a personal name belonging to a newly constructed prophet-figure.
4.2. The creation of a prophetic biography
Smith asserts that the sÄŤrah (prophetic biography) and hadith literatureâcompiled much laterâretroactively built a life story around this name, transforming a Christological epithet into a new religious founder.
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Scholarly Response
Most historians, linguists, and Islamic scholarsâboth Western and Muslimâreject Smithâs view, arguing that:
⢠âMuhammadâ behaves grammatically as a proper name in early Arabic sentences ⢠Coins and inscriptions reflect a transitional Islamic theology, not Christian language ⢠Syriac texts using the root Ḽ-m-d do not equate this term with a personal identity for Jesus ⢠Smithâs method selectively reads evidence
Nonetheless, his theory remains influential in certain polemical circles and continues to generate debate online.
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Conclusion
Jay Smithâs argument that âMuhammadâ was originally a title for Jesus arises from his broader revisionist project that reexamines Islamâs earliest decades. He locates this idea in Syriac-speaking Christian traditions, particularly Jacobite Christianity, which he suggests used poetic praise terms such as mḼmd for Jesus. From this foundation, he argues that early Arab rulers and later Islamic writers misinterpreted and transformed this epithet into the personal name âMuhammad,â eventually constructing a prophetic biography around it.
Though not supported by mainstream scholarship, Smithâs thesis represents a distinctive attempt to reinterpret early Islamic materials through the lens of late antique Syriac Christianity.
đ A Muslim Theological Rebuttal to Jay Smithâs Claim that âMuhammadâ Was a Title for Jesus
Introduction
Jay Smithâs revisionist proposalâthat the name âMuhammadâ (MHMD) in early inscriptions was not a historical individual but a title for Jesus borrowed from Syriac Christianityâdirectly challenges Islamic belief concerning the Prophet Muhammad . From a Muslim standpoint, this argument is untenable both textually and theologically. Islam upholds Muhammad as a real, historical prophet sent in the 7th century, whose life, teachings, and community are extensively documented. The claim that his name originated as a Christological title contradicts core Islamic doctrine, linguistic evidence, and the established historical record.
This rebuttal clarifies the Muslim position in four major domains: Qurâanic theology, Arabic linguistics, prophetic biography, and historical transmission.
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Qurâanic Evidence: Muhammad as a Distinct Human Prophet đŤ
The Qurâan clearly identifies Muhammad as:
⢠a human being, ⢠a prophet, ⢠living among the Arabs, ⢠delivering a message, ⢠surrounded by opponents and followers.
1.1 The Qurâan explicitly separates Muhammad from Jesus
Verse 3:144 states:
âMuhammad is no more than a messenger; messengers passed away before him.â
This verse presupposes:
⢠Muhammad is not Jesus, ⢠but one in a sequence of messengers, ⢠who has his own distinct historical mission.
Other verses (33:40, 47:2, 48:29) consistently refer to Muhammad as a unique individual with his own prophetic identity, not as a title applied to an earlier figure.
1.2 The Qurâan distinguishes their communities
Each prophet has his own ummah, laws, and circumstances. Jesusâ community is:
⢠al-ḤawÄriyyĹŤn (the disciples)
Muhammadâs community is:
⢠the early Muslim believers of Arabia
This is theological evidence that Muhammad and Jesus cannot be conflated.
1.3 The Qurâan narrates separate missions, separate covenants
Jesus:
⢠Born miraculously ⢠Granted the Injil ⢠Sent to the Israelites
Muhammad:
⢠Born in Mecca ⢠Received the Qurâan in Arabic ⢠Sent to humanity at large
No Qurâanic narrative or doctrine merges their identities.
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Arabic Linguistic Rebuttal: âMuhammadâ Functions Grammatically as a Personal Name đ
Jay Smithâs speculation rests on the similarity between the Syriac root Ḽ-m-d and the Arabic name MuḼammad, but this comparison fails linguistically.
2.1 âMuhammadâ is a standard Arabic proper noun, not a title
Arabic grammar treats âMuhammadâ as a definite proper name, identical in structure to:
⢠AḼmad ⢠MaḼmōd ⢠Ḥamčd
All of these derive from the same Semitic root. Arabic names commonly derive from verbal forms, but this does not make them titles any more than âSolomonâ implies âpeacefulâ or âDavidâ implies âbeloved.â
2.2 Arabic inscriptions present Muhammad as a concrete historical agent
In early inscriptions (e.g., early mosques, coins, rock engravings), Muhammad is described not merely as:
⢠âpraised oneâ
But as:
⢠rasĹŤl AllÄh â the messenger of God ⢠ʿabd AllÄh â the servant of God
These roles require a living agent, not a poetic epithet.
2.3 The title â personal name theory ignores Arabic morphology
The form MuḼammad means:
âThe one who is repeatedly praised.â
This is a grammatically valid Arabic name in the pattern (mufaââal). Nothing requires this to derive from Syriac Christian vocabulary.
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Historical Rebuttal: The Biography of Prophet Muhammad Is Too Detailed to Be a Later Invention âŚď¸
Jay Smithâs theory implies that a vast prophetic biography was invented in the 8thâ9th centuries and retroactively applied to a title originally referring to Jesus. This contradicts the massive volume of early Islamic historical data, including:
3.1 Eyewitness testimony
The SÄŤrah and Hadith literature were preserved by:
⢠thousands of transmitters ⢠across multiple regions ⢠with rigorous chains of narration (isnÄd system)
This is unprecedented in world religious history.
3.2 Non-Muslim sources
6thâ8th century Jewish, Christian, and Zoroastrian writers mention:
⢠Muhammad as a real Arab leader ⢠Muhammadâs battles ⢠Muhammadâs followers ⢠Muhammadâs monotheistic preaching
Such sources include:
⢠The Doctrina Jacobi (c. 640 CE) ⢠The Chronicle of Sebeos (660s CE) ⢠Thomas the Presbyter (640s CE) ⢠John of Damascus (c. 750 CE)
None of these writers equate Muhammad with Jesus. They all treat Muhammad as a contemporary Arabian figure.
3.3 Rapid expansion of Islam requires a historical founder
A poetic title from Syriac Christianity cannot explain:
⢠the emergence of a unified Arabian polity ⢠early Islamic law ⢠military expansions ⢠administrative reforms
These require a living founder, not a misinterpreted epithet.
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Theological Rebuttal: Islam Cannot Theologically Accept a JesusâMuhammad Identity đ
Even conceptually, Jay Smithâs theory contradicts Islamic doctrine:
4.1 Jesus is not the final prophet in Islam
Islam considers:
⢠Jesus a prophet who lived centuries earlier ⢠Muhammad the final prophet who seals revelation
Equating them collapses the entire Qurâanic framework.
4.2 The Qurâan names both âMuhammadâ and âAḼmadâ
Surah 61:6 explicitly records Jesus predicting the coming of:
âa messenger to come after me, whose name is AḼmad.â
This verse is theologically impossible if âAḼmad/MuḼammadâ was simply a title already used for Jesus.
⢠Brought miracles ⢠Was raised to heaven ⢠Had disciples
Muhammad:
⢠Delivered the Qurâan ⢠United the Arabs ⢠Governed Medina
This division is built into Islamic doctrine.
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Conclusion âŞď¸
From a Muslim theological and historical standpoint, Jay Smithâs claim that âMuhammadâ was originally a Syriac Christian title for Jesus is unsustainable. The Qurâanâs explicit differentiation between Jesus and Muhammad, the linguistic integrity of the Arabic name, the enormous breadth of historical evidence for Muhammadâs individual life, and the theological architecture of Islam all insist that Muhammad is a distinct human prophet, not a reused epithet.
Islamic tradition maintains:
Muhammad  was a unique, historical messenger sent to humanity, foretold by Jesus but never identical to him.
The claim that âMuhammadâ was merely a title for Jesus is thus both theologically incompatible with Islam and historically implausible.
đ âMahmadimâ in the Song of Solomon: Why a God-Silent Book Was Preserved in Scripture
đď¸ A Theological Reflection on Prophetic Foresight and Israelâs Rejection of Muhammad
đ§ Introduction
Among the books of the Hebrew Bible, the Song of Solomon (also called Song of Songs) stands out for an extraordinary reason: it does not mention God even once. This absence has puzzled scholars, theologians, and rabbis for centuries. Why would a book that makes no explicit reference to God, covenant, law, prophecy, or worship be preserved within a canon otherwise defined by divine speech?
Jewish tradition has offered various literary and allegorical justifications. Yet a deeper theological reflectionâparticularly from an Islamic perspectiveâreveals a provocative possibility: The Song of Solomon was preserved because it contains a prophetic clue that later generations would need to confront, a clue embedded in the Hebrew expression âmaḼmaddĂŽmâ (×Öˇ×Ö°×Öˇ×Ö´Öź××) in Song of Solomon 5:16.
This expression, meaning âmost desirableâ or âaltogether lovely,â bears a striking morphological connection to the name Muhammad . Its presence in a book otherwise devoid of theological content becomes theologically meaningful: God ensured this book remained in the canon so that the Israelites could never erase this prophetic sign pointing to the final messenger.
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đ 1. A Book Without GodâYet Protected by God
âď¸ The Content Paradox
The Song of Solomon contains:
⢠â No mention of God ⢠â No covenantal material ⢠â No prophetic message ⢠â No legal or ethical instruction ⢠â No historical context tied to Israelâs religious identity
Under normal canonical criteria, it should have been excluded.
Ancient Jewish debates reflect this tension. The Mishnah (Yadaim 3:5) records disputes over its sacred status. Some rabbis argued it was too sensual; others said it lacked theological substance.
Yet, mysteriously, it remainedâas though ⨠God ensured its preservation for the sake of a hidden prophetic sign that Israel would one day recognize yet dismiss.
đ§âđŤ Rabbi Akiva and the Defense of the Song
Rabbi Akiva, one of the most authoritative sages of early Judaism, famously defended the sanctity of the Song of Solomon during these debates. He declared:
âAll the writings are holy, but the Song of Songs is the Holy of Holies.â (Mishnah, Yadaim 3:5)
đ This statement is remarkable precisely because the book contains no explicit reference to God. Why would a text of romantic poetry be elevated to the status of the âHoly of Holiesââa term otherwise reserved for the innermost sanctuary of the Temple?
𤲠From an Islamic theological perspective, Rabbi Akivaâs insistence appears less as an exegetical explanation and more as an unconscious submission to divine will. God moved the rabbis to preserve a book whose deeper prophetic significance they themselves did not perceive. The very sage who defended its holiness may have been safeguarding, unknowingly, a linguistic sign embedded within its Hebrew vocabularyâone that would later point toward the final messenger of God.
đ§Š The Preservation Puzzle
If the rabbis excluded some texts that were far more âreligiousâ in natureâsuch as certain wisdom literature, apocryphal writings, and early prophetic worksâwhy protect a book that is silent about God?
The Islamic theological answer is clear:
âď¸ God protected this book because it contains a linguistic sign about His final prophetâsomething Israel was destined to overlook or reject.
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đ¤ 2. âMahmadimâ: A Linguistic Window Toward Prophecy
âHis mouth is sweetness itself; he is altogether lovely/desirable.â
The word maḼmaddĂŽm (×Öˇ×Ö°×Öˇ×Ö´Öź××) is the plural form of maḼmad, a Semitic root meaning:
⢠đ¸ âdesirable,â ⢠â âpraiseworthy,â ⢠đ âworthy of admiration,â ⢠â¤ď¸ âone who is cherished.â
In Hebrew morphology, the -ĂŽm plural can function:
⢠as a true plural, ⢠as an intensive plural, ⢠or as a plural of majesty.
Thus, maḼmaddĂŽm may signify âthe greatâ or âthe most praised one.â
đ The Connection to Muhammad
The consonantal root Ḽ-m-d (Ř Ů ŘŻ) is the same Semitic root underlying:
⢠Muhammad (Ů ŮŘŮŮ ŮŮŘŻ)  â âthe praised oneâ ⢠Ahmad (ŘŁŘŮ ŘŻ) â âthe most praisedâ ⢠Hamd (ŘŮ ŘŻ) â âpraiseâ
This creates a compelling intertextual thread:
đ The Hebrew Bible preserves forms of the root Ḽ-m-d repeatedly in contexts of admiration, desire, and exaltation.
In Song of Solomon 5:16, the form maḼmaddĂŽm functions as a linguistic parallel to âMuhammad,â forming a prophetic pointer that becomes meaningful only once the final prophet appears.
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đ˘ 3. A Prophetic Indication of Israelâs Future Rejection
đ Qurâanic Expectation of Jewish Rejection
The Qurâan states that the Children of Israel:
⢠đď¸ Recognized Muhammad  from their own scriptures (2:89, 2:101, 2:146, 7:157) ⢠â Yet rejected him out of envy and national exclusivism ⢠𧹠Altered or concealed aspects of revelation
âThose to whom We gave the Scripture (Jews and Christians) recognise him as they recongise their sons. But verily, a party of them conceal the truth while they know it.â (Surah 2:146)
đŻď¸ Song of Solomon as a Divine Witness
By embedding the key term maḼmaddÎm in a text lacking overt theological content, God ensures that the prophetic sign remains preserved:
⢠đŤ There is no theological reason to remove it ⢠đŤ There is no prophetic framework to provoke suspicion ⢠đ There are no divine references to trigger canonical objections
In other words, the sign is concealed in plain sight đ.
It becomes a theological trapdoor:
⢠đ preserved by God, ⢠Ⳡunnoticed for centuries, ⢠⨠but recognizable once the prophetic figure named Muhammad  arises.
The Jews would encounter the Hebrew root, recognize the linguistic form, yet still reject the prophetâexactly as the Qurâan foretells đ.
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đ§ 4. The Underlying Theological Logic
đ§Š Godâs Foreknowledge and Scriptural Architecture
From an Islamic perspective, scripture is divinely arrangedânot merely historically assembled. God places signs within texts that will only reveal their meaning at the appointed time â°.
Thus, the Song of Solomon functions as:
đ A literary vessel â outwardly romantic and secular
đ A prophetic vault â housing a name-encoded indicator of the final messenger
âď¸ A divine testimony â demonstrating that Israel was given sufficient signs yet rejected the truth
God does not require the book to teach theology; the book exists to contain a sign.
đ Why This Matters Theologically
This interpretation highlights:
⢠đ The continuity of Godâs prophetic plan ⢠đ The interconnectedness of Semitic linguistic traditions ⢠đ The divine preparation for the advent of Muhammad  ⢠â ď¸ The accountability of those who recognized yet rejected the foretold prophet
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đ 5. Conclusion: A Silent Book That Speaks Loudly
Though the Song of Solomon contains no explicit mention of God, it speaks through language, etymology, and prophetic foresight đŁď¸.
The presence of maḼmaddÎm in Song of Solomon 5:16 becomes:
⢠đ¤ a linguistic echo of Muhammadâs name, ⢠đ a prophetic hint embedded within Israelâs own canon, ⢠âď¸ and a divine reminder that the final prophet would be dismissed despite the sign being preserved.
Thus, the Song of Solomonâs inclusion in Scriptureâdespite its apparent secular natureâis not accidental.
⨠It is a deliberate act of divine providence, ensuring that no community could claim ignorance when the âPraised Oneâ â Muhammad  â finally appeared.
đ How Jay Smith and His Group Argue That âMuhammadâ (MHMD) Originally Referred to Jesus
Jay Smith is part of a Christian polemical movement that challenges the early history of Islam. Within this framework, Smith and his colleaguesâsuch as those connected to the âInarah Instituteâ-inspired revisionist schoolâpropose that the term MHMD (Ů ŘŮ ŘŻ / muhammad, meaning âthe praised oneâ) in the earliest Islamic texts may not refer to a historical Arabian prophet, but instead to Jesus as the âpraisedâ or âglorifiedâ figure.
Their argument has five major pillars:
⸝
âMuhammadâ Means The Praised One, Not Necessarily a Personal Name
Smithâs foundational linguistic claim:
⢠The word muhammad is a passive participle meaning âthe praised oneâ. ⢠It can function as a title, not only a personal name. ⢠Christian traditions frequently refer to Jesus as: ⢠âThe Glorified Oneâ ⢠âThe Praised Oneâ ⢠âThe Blessed Oneâ
Smithâs group argues that the Qurâanic and inscriptional term MHMD may originally have functioned like these titles.
⸝
Early Arabic Inscriptions Contain âMHMDâ Without Any Biographical Link to Mecca or a Human Prophet
Smith refers to early inscriptions such as:
⢠The Dome of the Rock inscriptions (690 CE) ⢠The Arab-Byzantine coins (early 7thâ8th century) ⢠The Zuhayr inscription and others
He argues:
⢠The inscriptions say things like âMuhammad is the servant of Godâ but do not give:
⢠A birthplace, ⢠A mother, ⢠A life story, ⢠A prophetic career. ⢠He claims these phrases could easily be read as: âThe Praised One is Godâs servantâ â referring to Jesus.
Thus, he says: Early Islamâs use of âMHMDâ was devotional and Christological, not biographical.
⸝
Early Coins Depict a Human Figure Who Resembles Byzantine Christian Imagery
Smith famously analyzes early Islamic coins:
⢠Some feature a standing figure with a cross-like staff. ⢠Others include Christian formulas. ⢠The term mhmd appears alongside symbols long associated with Jesus.
Smithâs interpretation:
⢠These coins do not depict an Arabian prophet, but rather a modified representation of Jesus, adapted by Arab Christians who later formed part of the Umayyad administration.
Thus he claims:
âMHMDâ was a Christological epithet on early Arab-Christian coins.
⸝
The Qurâan Never Gives Muhammad a BiographyâIndicating, Smith Claims, That the Name Was Originally Symbolic
Jay Smith argues:
⢠The Qurâan does not describe Muhammadâs: ⢠Parents, ⢠Childhood, ⢠Tribe, ⢠Location, ⢠Chronology, ⢠Battles (except allusions without names), ⢠Wife names, ⢠Mecca.
Since the Qurâan contains no narrative biography, he argues the term muhammad may not have originally referred to a person, but to a theological figureâsimilar to:
⢠al-MasčḼ (the Messiah) ⢠al-MuᚣášafÄ (the Chosen One)
He claims early Muslims later retroactively attached a biography to the title.
⸝
Christian Sources Before Islam Refer to Jesus as âThe Praised Oneâ (Parallel to MHMD)
Smith cites Syriac Christian literature: ⢠The Syriac word âmaḼmĹŤdÄâ (ÜĄÜÜĄÜÜÜ) meaning âpraised, glorifiedâ ⢠Used in reference to Jesus
He argues: ⢠Arab Christians may have used the Arabic equivalent âmuhammadâ as a devotional epithet for Jesus. ⢠Thus, MHMD originally identified Jesus, not a separate prophet.
This supports his claim of a Christological reading of early Qurâanic phrases such as:
wa-muḼammadun rasĹŤlu-llÄh âThe Praised One is the messenger of God.â
From Smithâs perspective, this could mean:
âJesus, the praised one, is Godâs messenger.â
⸝
Synthesis: Jay Smithâs Overall Thesis
Putting the claims together:
MHMD = âThe Praised One,â a title.
Early inscriptions and coins do not reference a historical prophet Muhammad.
MHMD appears in Christianized contexts with Christological imagery.
Qurâan lacks biographical material, consistent with a title rather than a person.
Syriac Christian liturgy used similar titles for Jesus.
Conclusion (according to Jay Smith):
The earliest âMuhammadâ was not the Prophet of Islam but a title for Jesus, and only laterâduring the 8thâ9th centuriesâwas this title reinterpreted as the proper name of a new Arabian prophet.
⸝
Important Note
This is Jay Smithâs polemical position, not the mainstream academic view.
Most historiansâMuslim and non-Muslimâaccept that:
⢠âMuhammadâ was a real historical figure, ⢠The Qurâanâs references to him are contextual, ⢠Early inscriptions genuinely refer to the Prophet of Islam.
đ A Muslim Theological Rebuttal to Jay Smithâs Claim that âMuhammadâ Was a Title for Jesus
Introduction
Jay Smithâs revisionist proposalâthat the name âMuhammadâ (MHMD) in early inscriptions was not a historical individual but a title for Jesus borrowed from Syriac Christianityâdirectly challenges Islamic belief concerning the Prophet Muhammad . From a Muslim standpoint, this argument is untenable both textually and theologically. Islam upholds Muhammad as a real, historical prophet sent in the 7th century, whose life, teachings, and community are extensively documented. The claim that his name originated as a Christological title contradicts core Islamic doctrine, linguistic evidence, and the established historical record.
This rebuttal clarifies the Muslim position in four major domains: Qurâanic theology, Arabic linguistics, prophetic biography, and historical transmission.
⸝
Qurâanic Evidence: Muhammad as a Distinct Human Prophet đŤ
The Qurâan clearly identifies Muhammad as:
⢠a human being, ⢠a prophet, ⢠living among the Arabs, ⢠delivering a message, ⢠surrounded by opponents and followers.
1.1 The Qurâan explicitly separates Muhammad from Jesus
Verse 3:144 states:
âMuhammad is no more than a messenger; messengers passed away before him.â
This verse presupposes:
⢠Muhammad is not Jesus, ⢠but one in a sequence of messengers, ⢠who has his own distinct historical mission.
Other verses (33:40, 47:2, 48:29) consistently refer to Muhammad as a unique individual with his own prophetic identity, not as a title applied to an earlier figure.
1.2 The Qurâan distinguishes their communities
Each prophet has his own ummah, laws, and circumstances. Jesusâ community is:
⢠al-ḤawÄriyyĹŤn (the disciples)
Muhammadâs community is:
⢠the early Muslim believers of Arabia
This is theological evidence that Muhammad and Jesus cannot be conflated.
1.3 The Qurâan narrates separate missions, separate covenants
Jesus:
⢠Born miraculously ⢠Granted the Injil ⢠Sent to the Israelites
Muhammad:
⢠Born in Mecca ⢠Received the Qurâan in Arabic ⢠Sent to humanity at large
No Qurâanic narrative or doctrine merges their identities.
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Arabic Linguistic Rebuttal: âMuhammadâ Functions Grammatically as a Personal Name đ
Jay Smithâs speculation rests on the similarity between the Syriac root Ḽ-m-d and the Arabic name MuḼammad, but this comparison fails linguistically.
2.1 âMuhammadâ is a standard Arabic proper noun, not a title
Arabic grammar treats âMuhammadâ as a definite proper name, identical in structure to:
⢠AḼmad ⢠MaḼmōd ⢠Ḥamčd
All of these derive from the same Semitic root. Arabic names commonly derive from verbal forms, but this does not make them titles any more than âSolomonâ implies âpeacefulâ or âDavidâ implies âbeloved.â
2.2 Arabic inscriptions present Muhammad as a concrete historical agent
In early inscriptions (e.g., early mosques, coins, rock engravings), Muhammad is described not merely as:
⢠âpraised oneâ
But as:
⢠rasĹŤl AllÄh â the messenger of God ⢠ʿabd AllÄh â the servant of God
These roles require a living agent, not a poetic epithet.
2.3 The title â personal name theory ignores Arabic morphology
The form MuḼammad means:
âThe one who is repeatedly praised.â
This is a grammatically valid Arabic name in the pattern (mufaââal). Nothing requires this to derive from Syriac Christian vocabulary.
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Historical Rebuttal: The Biography of Prophet Muhammad Is Too Detailed to Be a Later Invention âŚď¸
Jay Smithâs theory implies that a vast prophetic biography was invented in the 8thâ9th centuries and retroactively applied to a title originally referring to Jesus. This contradicts the massive volume of early Islamic historical data, including:
3.1 Eyewitness testimony
The SÄŤrah and Hadith literature were preserved by:
⢠thousands of transmitters ⢠across multiple regions ⢠with rigorous chains of narration (isnÄd system)
This is unprecedented in world religious history.
3.2 Non-Muslim sources
6thâ8th century Jewish, Christian, and Zoroastrian writers mention:
⢠Muhammad as a real Arab leader ⢠Muhammadâs battles ⢠Muhammadâs followers ⢠Muhammadâs monotheistic preaching
Such sources include:
⢠The Doctrina Jacobi (c. 640 CE) ⢠The Chronicle of Sebeos (660s CE) ⢠Thomas the Presbyter (640s CE) ⢠John of Damascus (c. 750 CE)
None of these writers equate Muhammad with Jesus. They all treat Muhammad as a contemporary Arabian figure.
3.3 Rapid expansion of Islam requires a historical founder
A poetic title from Syriac Christianity cannot explain:
⢠the emergence of a unified Arabian polity ⢠early Islamic law ⢠military expansions ⢠administrative reforms
These require a living founder, not a misinterpreted epithet.
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Theological Rebuttal: Islam Cannot Theologically Accept a JesusâMuhammad Identity đ
Even conceptually, Jay Smithâs theory contradicts Islamic doctrine:
4.1 Jesus is not the final prophet in Islam
Islam considers:
⢠Jesus a prophet who lived centuries earlier ⢠Muhammad the final prophet who seals revelation
Equating them collapses the entire Qurâanic framework.
4.2 The Qurâan names both âMuhammadâ and âAḼmadâ
Surah 61:6 explicitly records Jesus predicting the coming of:
âa messenger to come after me, whose name is AḼmad.â
This verse is theologically impossible if âAḼmad/MuḼammadâ was simply a title already used for Jesus.
⢠Brought miracles ⢠Was raised to heaven ⢠Had disciples
Muhammad:
⢠Delivered the Qurâan ⢠United the Arabs ⢠Governed Medina
This division is built into Islamic doctrine.
⸝
Conclusion âŞď¸
From a Muslim theological and historical standpoint, Jay Smithâs claim that âMuhammadâ was originally a Syriac Christian title for Jesus is unsustainable. The Qurâanâs explicit differentiation between Jesus and Muhammad, the linguistic integrity of the Arabic name, the enormous breadth of historical evidence for Muhammadâs individual life, and the theological architecture of Islam all insist that Muhammad is a distinct human prophet, not a reused epithet.
Islamic tradition maintains:
Muhammad  was a unique, historical messenger sent to humanity, foretold by Jesus but never identical to him.
The claim that âMuhammadâ was merely a title for Jesus is thus both theologically incompatible with Islam and historically implausible.
đ Circumcision Among Pre-Islamic Arabs: An Abrahamic Legacy and Its Restoration in Islam
đŤ Introduction
Circumcision is most commonly associated with Judaism as a defining sign of the Abrahamic covenant. However, historical and theological evidence indicates that circumcision was also practiced among pre-Islamic Arabs long before the rise of Islam. This raises an important theological question: Was circumcision among pre-Islamic Arabs understood as a divine Abrahamic tradition, similar to its role in Judaism, or merely a cultural custom?
This article explores circumcision within pre-Islamic Arab society through the lens of Abrahamic continuity, Qurâanic theology, and Islamic tradition. It argues that circumcision, alongside rites such as Hajj and reverence for the Zamzam well, was regarded as a sacred inheritance from Abraham (IbrÄhÄŤm), even if its theological clarity had become obscured over time. Islam, rather than introducing a new practice, sought to restore and purify this ancient Abrahamic legacy.
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âĄď¸ Circumcision in the Torah: The Abrahamic Covenant
In Jewish theology, circumcision (brit milah) is explicitly defined as a divine command. According to Genesis 17, God commands Abraham to circumcise himself and every male in his household as a sign of the everlasting covenant. Circumcision thus becomes:
⢠A divine commandment ⢠A physical mark of covenantal identity ⢠A symbol of belonging to the lineage of Abraham
For Jews, circumcision is not merely ritualâit is theological, marking participation in Godâs covenant with Abraham and his descendants through Isaac and Jacob.
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đ Circumcision Among Pre-Islamic Arabs: Historical Reality and Theological Memory
While pre-Islamic Arabia lacked a codified scripture comparable to the Torah, circumcision was widely practiced among Arab tribes. Classical Muslim historians and ethnographersâincluding Ibn IsḼÄq and al-MasʿōdÄŤâreport that Arabs traced this practice back to Abraham through Ishmael.
Importantly, circumcision among Arabs was not perceived as a random cultural habit. Rather, it was linked to a broader set of Abrahamic rites preserved in Meccan society, including:
⢠The Kaaba as a sanctuary established by Abraham and Ishmael ⢠The Hajj pilgrimage ⢠The veneration of the Zamzam well, associated with Hagar ⢠Ritual purity practices tied to fitrah (natural disposition)
Though theological distortions and polytheistic practices emerged over time, the Abrahamic core was never entirely lost.
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âŞď¸ Islam and Circumcision: Fitrah and Abrahamic Continuity
With the advent of Islam, circumcision was reaffirmedânot as a newly revealed lawâbut as part of fitrah, the natural and primordial religion of humanity.
The Prophet Muhammad  said:
âFive are from fitrah: circumcision, shaving the pubic hair, trimming the moustache, clipping the nails, and plucking the underarm hair.â
Islamic jurisprudence differs on whether circumcision is obligatory or strongly emphasized (wÄjib or sunnah muâakkadah), but there is unanimous agreement that it is:
⢠A continuation of Abrahamâs tradition ⢠A marker of ritual purity ⢠An act aligned with divine intention
Unlike Judaism, Islam does not frame circumcision as an exclusive ethnic covenant. Instead, it is universalized as part of Abrahamâs monotheistic legacy applicable to all who submit to God.
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đ Circumcision, Hajj, and the Zamzam well: A Unified Abrahamic Heritage
Circumcision in Islam cannot be isolated from other Abrahamic practices preserved in Mecca. Together, they form a coherent theological pattern:
Circumcision â covenantal devotion
Hajj â commemoration of Abrahamâs willingness to offer Ishmael
Zamzam â divine providence through Hagar and Ishmael
Kaaba â monotheistic sanctuary
All of these rites pre-date Islam historically but were re-consecrated by Islam theologically. They were not abolished, but purified of polytheism and restored to their original Abrahamic and monotheistic meaning. ⸝
đ Qurâanic Foundation: Following the Creed of Abraham
The Qurâan explicitly grounds Islamic practice in Abrahamic continuity:
âThen We revealed to you [O Muhammad], âFollow the creed of Abraham, a ḼanÄŤf, who was not of the polytheists.ââ (Qurâan 16:123)
This verse establishes Abraham not as a Jewish or Christian figure, but as a primordial monotheist whose practices pre-dated later religious institutionalization. Circumcision, as part of Abrahamâs embodied devotion, fits naturally within this framework.
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đ˛ Theological Conclusion
Circumcision among pre-Islamic Arabs was neither accidental nor merely cultural. It functioned as a sacred remnant of Abrahamic religion, transmitted through Ishmael and preserved in Meccan society alongside other foundational rites.
Islam did not invent circumcision; rather, it restored its theological meaning, situating it within a universal monotheistic framework rooted in Abraham. Just as Islam reclaimed the Kaaba, purified the Hajj, and reaffirmed Zamzamâs sacredness, it also reaffirmed circumcision as a divinely grounded Abrahamic practiceâpart of humanityâs original covenant with God.
In this sense, circumcision stands as a powerful symbol of Islamâs broader mission: not to create a new religion, but to restore the primordial faith of Abraham in its purest form.
đ The Absence of âLand of Moriahâ in the Samaritan Torah: A Textual and Theological Analysis
Introduction
Genesis 22âthe narrative traditionally known in Judaism as the Akedahâbegins with God commanding Abraham to travel to a specific region to offer his son as a sacrifice. In the Masoretic Text (MT), the canonical Hebrew Bible used in Judaism, the command directs Abraham to âthe land of Moriah.â
This phrase has become foundational in Jewish and Christian tradition, especially in associating the event with Jerusalem and the future Temple Mount.
Yet, the Samaritan Torah preserves a different reading, one that significantly reshapes the geographical and theological setting of the story. Importantly, the Samaritan Torah does not contain the phrase âland of Moriahâ at all.
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đ The Samaritan Reading of Genesis 22
In the Samaritan Pentateuch (SP), the wording of Genesis 22:2 diverges from the Masoretic text. Instead of âMoriah,â the Samaritan version reads:
âGo to the land of Moreh.â
Thus, the Samaritan Torah identifies the location not as Moriah, but as Morehâthe same geographical region associated with Abrahamâs first altar in Genesis 12. This difference is profound: while âMoriahâ later becomes linked to Jerusalem, âMorehâ is firmly tied to the area around Shechem, near Mount Gerizim, the holiest site in Samaritanism.
This means that in the Samaritan tradition, the Binding of Isaac narrative (Akedah) unfolds not in the future Temple region, but within the ancient Abrahamic landscape of Shechem and Gerizim.
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đ The Significance of This Variant Reading
Sacred Geography
For the Samaritans, Mount Gerizimânot Jerusalemâis the chosen mountain of God. By reading âMoreh,â the Samaritan text situates the near-sacrifice narrative geographically close to Gerizim, reinforcing their belief that this region is the true center of divine revelation.
This interpretation also aligns with earlier Abraham narratives:
⢠In Genesis 12, Abraham builds his first altar at the âoak of Moreh.â ⢠In the Samaritan worldview, Genesis 22 naturally continues Abrahamâs early sacred geography.
Textual Considerations
Scholars often note that the term âMoriahâ in the Masoretic Text is linguistically difficult and appears only in two biblical texts: Genesis 22 and a much later passage in Chronicles. The rarity of the word has led many scholars to suggest that âMoriahâ may reflect:
⢠A later interpretive development, ⢠Or a geographical reorientation toward Jerusalem for theological purposes.
By contrast, the Samaritan reading âMorehâ is a well-established place name within the Pentateuch itself. It is geographically coherent and consistent with the Abrahamic narrative.
This leaves open the scholarly possibility that the Samaritan reading may preserve an older or more original form of the text.
Theological Implications
Removing âMoriahâ detaches the narrative from Jerusalem, thereby separating the Binding story (Akedah) from the later Temple traditions that dominate Rabbinic Judaism and Christianity.
In Samaritan theology:
⢠The true sacrificial mountain is Mount Gerizim. ⢠The Akedah is understood as part of a continuous Abrahamic tradition centered in ShechemâGerizim, not Zion. ⢠The absence of âMoriahâ supports their claim that the Torah does not endorse the sanctity of Jerusalem.
This alternative textual tradition therefore becomes a foundational element in the longstanding religious differences between Samaritans and Jews.
⸝
đ Conclusion
The Samaritan Torahâs omission of the phrase âland of Moriahâ highlights a deeply significant textual variation with wide-reaching implications. Rather than pointing Abraham toward Jerusalem, the Samaritan version locates the near-sacrifice in the land of Moreh, near Shechem and Mount Gerizim.
This difference not only shapes Samaritan sacred geography but also offers valuable insight into the diverse ways ancient communities transmitted, interpreted, and localized the Abrahamic tradition.
By noting that âland of Moriahâ does not appear in the Samaritan Torah, we gain a clearer understanding of how textual variants preserve competing visions of the covenantal landscape and the history of Israelâs earliest traditions.
đ The Abrahamic Covenant in Islam: Ratified After the Sacrifice, Not Predeclared
A Qurâanic Rebuttal to the Biblical Chronology of Covenant
Introduction
In the Biblical narrative of Genesis 17, the covenant between God and Abraham is presented as a predeclared agreement, granted before the birth of Isaac, and independent of any monumental act of obedience. By contrast, the Qurâan presents a profoundly different theological order: the covenant is not announced in advance but is conferred upon Abraham only after he proves unwavering submissionâmost dramatically, in the episode traditionally understood in Islam as the near-sacrifice of Ishmael.
This difference is not a minor chronological disagreement; it reveals two fundamentally divergent theological frameworks. In the Qurâan, the covenant is something earned through obedience, not something granted beforehand and later tested. The pivotal verse is Surah al-Baqarah 2:124, a cornerstone of Islamic covenant theology.
⸝
đThe Qurâanic Sequence: The Covenant Comes After the Test
The Test Precedes the Covenant (Qurâan 2:124)
The Qurâan states plainly:
âAnd [remember] when Abraham was tested by his Lord with certain commands, and he fulfilled them. [God] said: âI will make you a leader for mankind.ââ (Qurâan 2:124)
This verse establishes two essential theological principles:
The covenant (leadership / imamate) was not announced beforehand.
It was granted only after Abraham successfully fulfilled a set of divine commands.
Islamic exegetesâclassical and modernâidentify the ultimate test (al-balÄĘž al-ĘżaáşÄŤm, cf. 37:106) as the command to sacrifice his son, whom Muslims understand to be Ishmael. This act represents the apex of Abrahamâs submission (islÄm), making him the archetypal Muslim (22:78).
Thus, in the Qurâanic order:
⢠Test â Fulfillment â Covenant
The covenant is the result, not the premise, of Abrahamâs obedience.
⸝
The Son in the Qurâanic Narrative: Ishmael, the Firstborn and Heir of Sacrifice
The Qurâan situates the sacrifice narrative before the birth announcement of Isaac (37:100â113). This means:
⢠The son involved must be Ishmael. ⢠The covenantal blessing upon Abraham flows from the episode with Ishmael, not Isaac.
This has direct implications for covenant theology:
⢠Ishmael, not Isaac, is the son through whom Abraham demonstrates absolute surrender. ⢠Therefore, the covenantâs ratification follows Abrahamâs relationship with Ishmaelânot Isaac.
This reverses the chronological and theological structure found in Genesis 17â22.
⸝
âŚď¸ The Biblical Sequence: Covenant First, Test Later
In Genesis 17, the covenant is:
⢠Announced before Isaacâs birth, ⢠Unconditional, ⢠Tied specifically to Isaac as the exclusive heir.
The order is the reverse of the Qurâan:
⢠Covenant â Birth Promise â Test (Genesis 22)
This creates a theological puzzle often noted in Jewish and Christian scholarship:
Why would God declare Isaac the guaranteed covenantal heir in Genesis 17, only to command his near-destruction in Genesis 22?
From the Qurâanic viewpoint, this puzzle does not arise, because:
The covenant had not yet been announced.
The test was not of Isaac but of Ishmael.
The covenant comes after the supreme test, not before it.
⸝
âŚď¸ Qurâanic Theology: Covenant as the Fruit of Obedience
Surah 2:124 continues:
â[Abraham] said: âAnd from my descendants?â [God] replied: âMy covenant does not include the wrongdoers.ââ
This indicates:
⢠The covenant is conditional (ishtirÄášÄŤ), not automatic. ⢠It does not blanket all biological descendants. ⢠Its transmission is tied to righteousness, not mere lineage.
Thus, unlike the Biblical modelâwhich ties covenantal inheritance exclusively to Isaacâs seedâthe Qurâanic model conditions covenantal leadership on piety and submission, not ethnicity or primogeniture.
⸝
âŞď¸ Why the Qurâanic Order Matters
It Resolves the Canonical Tension in the Bible
The Qurâanic sequence avoids the apparent contradiction of:
⢠Promising Isaac as the guaranteed heir in Genesis 17, ⢠Then nearly eliminating him in Genesis 22.
It Places Ishmael at the Heart of Covenant History
Since the covenant follows the test, and since the test involves Ishmael, the Qurâan centers Ishmaelânot Isaacâas the arena of covenantal ratification.
It Embodies the Core Islamic Principle: Submission Before Privilege
In Islam, honor is a result of submission. Covenant arises from obedience. Imamate (leadership) comes after trial.
Abraham becomes the Imam (leader) of Humanity because he fulfilled the test, not because of biological lineage.
⸝
đ Conclusion
From the Qurâanic perspective, the Abrahamic covenant is not a predeclared divine grant delivered before the birth of a promised son. Instead, it is a conferred rewardâbestowed after Abrahamâs greatest act of obedience: his willingness to sacrifice Ishmael.
Surah 2:124 stands as the decisive statement of this theology. The covenant, in Islam, is the crown placed upon Abraham only after he proves that nothingânot even his beloved sonâstands between him and his Lord.
This Qurâanic narrative not only diverges sharply from the Biblical sequence in Genesis 17 and 22 but also reframes the covenant as the fruit of faith, earned through total submissionâa paradigm that shapes the entire Abrahamic identity of Islam.
đ Surah 2:124 and Genesis 17:21: A Qurâanic Contradiction of the Biblical Allocation of Covenant and Sacrifice
Introduction
The figure of Abraham stands at the heart of the Abrahamic traditions, yet the question of which son carries the covenant, and which son was nearly sacrificed, remains one of the most defining differences between the Qurâan and the Bible.
The Biblical narrative presents Isaac as both the covenantal heir (Genesis 17:21) and the child of sacrifice (Genesis 22). The Qurâan, however, frames the covenantal sequence very differentlyâmost importantly in Surah 2:124, which explicitly ties the Abrahamic Covenant to Abrahamâs great trial, understood in Islamic tradition as the near-sacrifice of Ishmael.
This Qurâanic link between the covenant and the sacrificial event fundamentally contradicts the Biblical arrangement, wherein Isaac is granted the covenant prior to the Akedah (sacrificial episode) and Ishmael is explicitly excluded from the covenant in Genesis 17:21.
⸝
The Qurâanic Framework: Covenant After the Trial
1.1 Surah 2:124 â The Covenant Follows the Trial of Sacrifice
Surah 2:124 states:
âAnd [remember] when Abraham was tested by his Lord with several commands, and he fulfilled them. He said: âI will make you a leader (imÄm) for mankind.ââ
Islamic exegetesâfrom early mufassirĹŤn to classical juristsâidentify the âgreat trialâ (al-ibtalÄâ) as the moment when Abraham was commanded to sacrifice his son. This is reinforced by:
⢠The flow of Surah 37:99â113, where the near-sacrifice is narrated before the announcement of Isaacâs birth. ⢠The Qurâanâs consistent refusal to name Isaac as the son of sacrifice. ⢠The theological logic that the covenantal elevation of Abraham to leadership (imÄmah) occurs after he proves absolute obedience.
Thus, the Qurâan depicts the covenant as a direct reward for Abrahamâs completion of the trialâwhich Islamic tradition universally associates with Ishmael, the firstborn son whom Abraham sent with Hagar to Mecca.
1.2 The Covenant Extends to âHis Descendantsâ
When Abraham asks that this leadership (imÄmah) be extended to his progeny:
âAnd of my descendants?â God replies: âMy covenant does not include the wrongdoers.â (2:124)
This indicates:
⢠The covenant includes Abrahamâs descendants generally, but disqualifies the unjust. ⢠The covenant is not restricted to Isaacâs line, nor does the Qurâan ever assign it exclusively to Israel. ⢠The context of the sacrifice (Ishmael in Islamic memory) places Ishmaelâs lineage at the center of the covenantal promise.
Therefore, in the Qurâanic perspective, the Abrahamic Covenant is linked to Ishmael, not Isaac.
⸝
Genesis 17:21 â A Contradictory Allocation of Covenant
Genesis 17:21 reads:
âBut my covenant I will establish with Isaac, whom Sarah shall bear to you at this time next year.â
This verse forms the Biblical foundation for the exclusivity of Isaacâs line regarding the covenant. According to the Bible:
⢠Ishmael is blessed (Genesis 17:20), ⢠But the covenant is restricted to Isaac (Genesis 17:21), ⢠Long before the near-sacrifice of Genesis 22 occurs.
2.1 A Contradiction in Sequence
The Bible presents the covenant before the sacrificial test.
The Qurâan presents the covenant after the sacrificial test.
Because these sequences differ, the Qurâanic account cannot coexist with Genesis 17.
The Bible states that the covenant is specifically granted to Isaac prior to the near-sacrifice event (Genesis 17:21). In contrast, the Qurâan indicates that the covenant is bestowed upon Abraham after he successfully completes the trial of obedience, and that this covenant extends particularly through Ishmael (Qurâan 2:124; 2:125â129; 37:100â113). In this Qurâanic narrative, the near-sacrifice involves Ishmael, not Isaac.
Therefore, the Bible and the Qurâan present contradictory sequences regarding both the timing of the covenant and the identity of the son nearly sacrificed.
⸝
The Islamic Claim: Isaacâs Line Belongs to the Sinai Covenant, Not the Abrahamic Covenant
Islamic theology treats two different covenants:
3.1 Sinai Covenant â Restricted to the Children of Israel
Isaac â Jacob â Israel
⢠The Israelites receive law, ritual, the Promised Land, and prophetic succession tied to the Torah. ⢠This is a national covenant, geographically bound and legally defined.
3.2 Abrahamic Covenant â Universal, Perpetual, and Pre-Sinai
Ishmael â Arabs â Muhammad â Global Ummah
⢠This covenant is universal, not ethnic. ⢠It is connected to the Kaaba, the original monotheistic sanctuary (2:125â129). ⢠It produces the final prophet (2:129), through the line of Ishmael.
Thus, Isaacâs descendants hold the Sinai Covenant, while Ishmaelâs descendants carry the Abrahamic Covenantâwhich emerges after the sacrifice.
This position directly contradicts Genesis 17:21, which restricts the covenant to Isaac even before Isaacâs birth.
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The Identity of the Sacrificial Son: Qurâan vs. Bible
4.1 Qurâanic Logic Favors Ishmael
Several Qurâanic elements align the sacrificial event with Ishmael:
The sacrifice occurs before Isaacâs birth announcement (37:112).
The son involved is described as patient, dutiful, and the firstborn, qualities associated with Ishmael in the Qurâanic historical memory.
The episode occurs in a setting traditionally associated with Mecca, not Palestine.
The covenant of leadership (2:124) is given after the sacrificeâsuggesting the sacrificed son is also the line through which covenantal leadership flows.
4.2 Biblical Logic Has an Internal Tension
The Biblical narrative presents Isaacâs nameâmeaning âhe laughsââas theologically inconsistent with a near-sacrifice story built on fear, anguish, obedience, and solemnity.
Additionally:
⢠The phrase âyour only sonâ (Genesis 22:2) becomes problematic because Ishmael was alive at that time, unless later redaction is assumed. ⢠The covenant is declared for Isaac before he is even born, which contradicts the Qurâanâs portrayal of covenant as the reward of a test.
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The Contradiction Summarized
Qurâan (2:124):
⢠Abraham undergoes a major trial (near-sacrifice). ⢠Only after fulfilling the trial is he granted covenantal leadership. ⢠The covenant extends to descendants who are righteousâfulfilled through Ishmaelâs lineage.
Bible (Genesis 17:21):
⢠Isaac receives the covenant before the trial occurs. ⢠Ishmael is excluded from covenantal status from the outset. ⢠Isaac is later presented as the child of sacrifice.
Thus, the Qurâan reverses the order, reassigns the covenant, and reidentifies the son of sacrifice, contradicting Genesis at each of these three points.
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Conclusion
Surah 2:124 depicts the Abrahamic Covenant as arising after Abrahamâs completion of the sacrificial trial, implicitly linking the covenant to the son involved in that eventâIshmael. This stands in explicit contradiction to Genesis 17:21, which limits the covenant to Isaac even before the sacrificial narrative of Genesis 22.
From the Qurâanic perspective, Isaac and Jacob are honored prophets within the Sinai Covenant, tied to Israelâs sacred history. Yet the universal Abrahamic Covenantâthe one that elevates Abraham as a leader for all humanityâbelongs to the line of Ishmael, whose near-sacrifice forms the dramatic foundation of that covenant.
In this way, the Qurâan reinterprets the ancient narrative, offering a theological counter-reading in which Ishmael, not Isaac, stands at the heart of Abrahamâs greatest trial and the covenant that follows.
đ Abraham, His Sons, and the House of God: A Comparative Study of the Bible and the Qurâan
đ Introduction
Across the Abrahamic traditions, the figure of Abraham stands as a foundational patriarch whose life, trials, and descendants shape the theological identity of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Yet the way these scriptures portray Abrahamâs relationship to sacred places differs significantly. The Qurâan presents Abraham and his firstborn son Ishmael as the physical builders and consecrators of the Kaaba in Mecca. The Bible, in contrast, links Abraham and Isaac to the future Temple Mount through narrative association rather than construction. This distinction reveals how each tradition frames the origins of sacred space and the covenantal roles of Abrahamâs sons.
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âŚď¸ 1. The Qurâan: Abraham, Ishmael, and the Kaaba
The Qurâanic narrative places Abraham (IbrÄhÄŤm) and Ishmael (IsmÄʿčl) at the centre of the establishment of the Kaaba, the primordial sanctuary in Mecca.
1.1 Building the Kaaba
The Qurâan explicitly describes Abraham and Ishmael raising the foundations of the Kaaba:
âAnd when Abraham raised the foundations of the House, and [with him] Ishmael, [saying], âOur Lord, accept this from usâŚââ (Qurâan 2:127)
This verse identifies them not only as worshippers but as architects of the House of God.
1.2 Dedication and Purification of the Sacred Space
Abraham and Ishmael are commanded to cleanse the House for those who perform worship, circumambulation, and devotion (Qurâan 2:125). Another passage speaks of Abraham leaving Ishmaelâs descendants in the valley near the House to establish true worship (Qurâan 14:37), reinforcing their custodial role.
1.3 Universality of the Kaaba
The Qurâan describes the Kaaba as âthe first House established for mankindâ (Qurâan 3:96), giving it a universal, primordial character. Abraham and Ishmael thus appear not merely as historical figures but as founders of a sacred centre for all humanity.
In Islamic tradition, Abraham and Ishmael are understood as active constructors, purifiers, and guardians of the Kaaba â the earliest sanctuary dedicated to monotheistic worship.
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âŚď¸ 2. The Bible: Abraham, Isaac, and the Temple Mount
While the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh/Old Testament) also portrays Abraham as central to Godâs covenantal plan, it does not attribute to him or to Isaac the establishment of a physical sanctuary.
2.1 Abraham and Isaac at Mount Moriah
Genesis 22 recounts the âAkedah,â or Binding of Isaac. God commands Abraham to offer Isaac as a sacrifice âon one of the mountains in the land of Moriahâ (Genesis 22:2).
Centuries later, 2 Chronicles 3:1 identifies this same region as the site of Solomonâs Temple:
âThen Solomon began to build the house of the Lord in Jerusalem on Mount Moriah, where the Lord had appeared to David his fatherâŚâ
This connection retroactively links the Akedah to the future Temple Mount. Yet the link is narrative and theological rather than architectural; Abraham and Isaac do not participate in constructing the sanctuary.
2.2 David and Solomon as Temple Builders
In the biblical tradition, the idea of a permanent sanctuary arises not with Abraham or Isaac but with King David. The Temple itself is built by Solomon (1 Kings 6), fulfilling Davidâs aspiration as narrated in 2 Samuel 7. Thus, temple-building is royal, not patriarchal.
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âŚď¸ 3. Key Difference: Builder vs. Symbol
A clear contrast emerges between the two scriptural traditions:
3.1 Qurâanic Perspective
⢠Abraham and Ishmael are direct builders and consecrators of the Kaaba. ⢠The sanctuary originates in their hands and through their supplication. ⢠The Kaaba becomes the focal point of monotheistic worship for all humanity.
3.2 Biblical Perspective
⢠Abraham and Isaac are linked to the site of the future Temple (Mount Moriah), but only symbolically. ⢠They do not build or establish a sanctuary. ⢠Temple-building is attributed to the Davidic-Solomonic monarchy.
3.3 Associative vs. Foundational
⢠The Bible connects Abraham and Isaac to the Temple through memory and location: the Akedah becomes part of Jerusalemâs sacred geography. ⢠The Qurâan connects Abraham and Ishmael to the Kaaba through construction and divine command: they physically establish the House of God.
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âŚď¸ Conclusion
Both the Bible and the Qurâan situate Abraham at the heart of sacred history, yet they portray his relationship to holy places in distinct ways. In the Qurâan, Abraham and Ishmael lay the physical and spiritual foundations of the Kaaba, making them architects of a universal sanctuary. In the Bible, Abraham and Isaac are remembered for their obedience at Moriah, a site later reinterpreted as the location of the Temple, but they do not build it.
These contrasting narratives shape how each tradition understands sacred space, lineage, and the enduring legacy of Abraham and his sons.
đ Abraham, History, and Identity: Why Judaism and Islam Relate Differently to the Patriarch
đŤ Introduction
Among the three great Abrahamic religions, all trace their spiritual lineage to Abraham. Yet the way each tradition relates to Abraham differs profoundly. A recurring argument â especially in comparative theological discourse â claims that Judaism is more connected to its historical experience, whereas Islam is more directly connected to the person and legacy of Abraham. This distinction becomes evident when comparing the centrality of the Exodus and Sinai in Judaism with the centrality of Hajj and the AbrahamâIshmael narrative in Islam.
This article explores the theological framework behind this argument, demonstrating how sacred history, covenantal identity, and ritual practices shape the role of Abraham in each tradition.
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âŚď¸ 1. Judaism: A Religion Rooted in Communal History and Covenant
1.1 Abraham as the Patriarch, but Sinai as the Core
Judaism undeniably venerates Abraham as the patriarch (Genesis 12â25). However, Jewish religious identity is shaped less by Abraham personally and more by Israelâs collective historical journey, particularly:
⢠The Exodus from Egypt ⢠The Giving of the Torah at Mount Sinai ⢠The Sinai Covenant (Brit Sinai) ⢠The formation of Israel as a holy nation (Exodus 19:6)
Judaismâs primary self-definition is not âthe children of Abraham,â but rather âthe people who stood at Sinai.â
The Rabbis famously state:
âOur covenant is not through Abraham alone, but through the Torah given to all Israel at Sinai.â
This is why the central liturgical memory in Judaism is not Abrahamâs tests but the Exodus:
⢠The Passover (Pesach) festival ⢠The Sabbath (a memorial of liberation) ⢠Daily prayers constantly invoking âthe God who brought you out of Egyptâ
1.2 Covenant Through Isaac and Jacob
Judaismâs theological architecture rests on the Sinai Covenant and the ancestral chain:
Abraham â Isaac â Jacob â the Twelve Tribes of Israel.
Thus, covenantal continuity is traced ethnically and historically, not ritually through reenactments of Abrahamâs life. Abraham is a revered ancestor â but the religionâs heart is the law (Torah) and the national history of Israel.
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âŚď¸ 2. Islam: Abraham as the Living Ritual and Spiritual Model
2.1 Islam Calls Itself âThe Religion of Abrahamâ (Millat IbrÄhÄŤm)
The Qurâan repeatedly emphasizes Abraham more than any other patriarch:
⢠âFollow the religion of Abrahamâ (Qurâan 3:95) ⢠Abraham is called ḼanÄŤf, a pure monotheist (Qurâan 16:120)
Abraham is not just a historical patriarch â he is the archetype of submission (islÄm).
2.2 Abraham and Ishmael in the Kaaba and Hajj
Islam intricately weaves the story of Abraham into the lives of its believers through the rituals performed during Hajj.
Pilgrims reenact key events, such as the ášawÄf around the Kaaba, which honors the moment Abraham and Ishmael established its foundations (Qur’an 2:127). The saây between ᚢafÄ and Marwah represents Hajar’s search for water, while drinking from Zamzam recalls the miracle provided for baby Ishmael.
Standing at âArafah signifies Abraham’s devotion, and the sacrifice during âEid al-Adha commemorates his willingness to obey God by offering his firstborn son. Lastly, the stoning of the JamarÄt symbolizes Abraham’s rejection of Satan’s temptations.
Thus, while Judaism remembers Abraham theologically, Islam reenacts Abraham ritually.
2.3 Ishmaelâs Role Restored
In the Islamic narrative, Ishmael is not marginal but central:
⢠He helps Abraham build the Kaaba. ⢠He is linked to the sacred sanctuary (Q 2:125â129). ⢠He is believed to be the son whom Abraham was commanded to sacrifice, demonstrating ultimate submission to God. ⢠He is part of the prophetic lineage leading to Muhammad .
Thus, Islamâs living rituals restore Abraham and Ishmael to the center of religious consciousness.
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âŚď¸ 3. Why the Two Traditions Differ
3.1 Judaism: History as Identity
Judaism emerged as a nationalâhistorical covenant. Its sacred memory is:
⢠Liberation from Egypt ⢠Revelation at Sinai ⢠Life under the Torah ⢠The historical survival of Israel
Thus, Jewish identity is shaped by collective memory, not primarily by reenacting the life of Abraham.
3.2 Islam: Abraham as the Universal Prototype
Islam presents itself as:
the restoration of Abrahamâs original monotheism (Qurâan 3:67)
Islam views Abraham as:
⢠the spiritual father of all who submit to God, ⢠the builder of the Kaaba (house of God), ⢠the model for rituals of pilgrimage, sacrifice, and prayer.
Therefore, Islam sees Abraham as the living foundation of its religious practice.
3.3 Two Different Theological Trajectories
⢠Judaism: A religion of a people and their historical covenant ⢠Islam: A religion of a prophet and his universal monotheism
Both honor Abraham, but the mechanisms of memory differ: ⢠Judaism emphasizes the journey of Israel. ⢠Islam emphasizes the journey of Abraham.
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đ 4. Conclusion
The claim that Judaism is more connected to its history while Islam is more connected to the person of Abraham reflects deep theological truths:
⢠Judaismâs heart is Sinai, the covenant of the Torah and the historical identity of Israel. ⢠Islamâs heart is Abraham, whose life is woven into its rituals, theology, and annual pilgrimage.
Both traditions preserve Abrahamâs legacy â but Islam experiences Abraham through ritual reenactment, while Judaism remembers him through narrative and covenantal ancestry.
Thus, the argument is not about superiority, but about different religious architectures: one built on historical memory, the other on prophetic example and ritual continuity.